Alabaster vase of Semerkhet, the inscription reads King Iry-Nebty visits the house-of-the-pleased-king, oil jars for it, National Archaeological Museum (France).
|Reign||8½ years, ca. 2920 BC (1st Dynasty)|
|Father||Anedjib ? Den ?|
|Burial||Tomb U, Umm el-Qa'ab|
Semerkhet is the Horus name of an early Egyptian king who ruled during the 1st dynasty. This ruler became known through a tragic legend handed down by ancient Greek historian Manetho, who reported that a calamity of some sort occurred during Semerkhet's reign. The archaeological records seem to support the view that Semerkhet had a difficult time as king and some early archaeologists even questioned the legitimacy of Semerkhet's succession to the Egyptian throne.
Length of reign
Manetho named Semerkhet Semêmpsés and credited him with a reign of 18 years, whilst the Royal Canon of Turin credited him with an implausibly long reign of 72 years. Egyptologists and historians now consider both statements as exaggerations and credit Semerkhet with a reign of 8½ years. This evaluation is based on the Cairo Stone inscription, where the complete reign of Semerkhet has been recorded. Additionally, they point to the archaeological records, which strengthen the view that Semerkhet had a relatively short reign.
Semerkhet is well attested in archaeological records. His name appears in inscriptions on vessels made of schist, alabaster, breccia and marble. His name is also preserved on ivory tags and earthen jar seals. Objects bearing Semerkhet's name and titles come from Abydos and Sakkara.
Semerkhet's serekh name is commonly translated as "companion of the divine community" or "thoughtful friend". The latter translation is questioned by many scholars, since the hieroglyph khet (Gardiner-sign F32) normally was the symbol for "body" or "divine community".
Semerkhet's birth name is more problematic. Any artefact showing the birth name curiously lacks any artistic detail of the used hieroglyphic sign: a walking man with waving cloak or skirt, a nemes head dress and a long, plain stick in his hands. The reading and meaning of this special sign is disputed, since it doesn't appear in this form before king Semerkhet. Indeed, the hieroglyph of the cloaked man is extremely rare. It appears only twice in relief inscriptions depicting ceremonial processions of priests and standard bearers. Egyptologists such as Toby Wilkinson, Bernhard Grdseloff and Jochem Kahl read Iry-Netjer, meaning "divine guardian". During the Old Kingdom period, this word is written with uniliteral signs of a netjer flag (Gardiner-sign R8) and a human eye (Gardiner-sign D4) nearby the ideogram of the man. Some contemporary ivory tags show the Nebty name written with the single eye symbol only. Thus, the scholars also read Semerkhet's throne name as Iry (meaning "guardian") and the Nebty name as Iry-Nebty (meaning "guardian of the Two Ladies"). This reconstruction is strengthened by the observation that Semerkhet was the first king using the Nebty title in its ultimate form. For unknown reason Semerkhet did not use the Nebuy title of his predecessor. It seems that he felt connected with the 'Two Ladies', a title referring to the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet, both the female equivalents of Horus and Seth. The Nebty title in turn was thought to function as an addition to the Nisut-Bity title.
Scribes and priests of the Ramesside era were also confused, because the archaic ideogram that was used during Semerkhet's lifetime was very similar to the sign of an old man with a walking stick (Gardiner sign A19). This had been read as Semsu or Sem and means "the eldest". It was used as a title identifying someone as the head of the house. Due to this uncertainty, it seems that the compiler of the Abydos king list simply tried to imitate the original figure, whilst the author of the Royal Canon of Turin seems to have been convinced about reading it as the Gardiner-sign A19 and he wrote Semsem with uniliteral signs. The Royal Table of Sakkara omits Semerkhet's throne name. The reason for that is unknown, but all kings from Narmer up to king Den are also missing their throne names.
Virtually nothing is known about Semerkhet's family. His parents are unknown, but it is thought that one of his predecessors, king Den, might have been his father. Semerkhet was possibly born to queen Betrest. On the Cairo Stone she is described as his mother. Definite evidence for that view has not yet been found. It would be expected that Semerkhet had sons and daughters, but their names have not been preserved in the historical record. A candidate for a possible member of his family line is his immediate successor, king Qa'a.
An old theory, supported by Egyptologists and historians such as Jean-Philippe Lauer, Walter Bryan Emery, Wolfgang Helck and Michael Rice once held that Semerkhet was a usurper and not the rightful heir to the throne. Their assumption was based on the observation that a number of stone vessels with Semerkhet's name on them were originally inscribed with king Adjib's name. Semerkhet simply erased Adjib's name and replaced it with his own. Furthermore, they point out that no high official and priest associated with Semerkhet was found at Sakkara. All other kings, such as Den and Adjib, are attested in local mastabas.
Today this theory has little support. Egyptologists such as Toby Wilkinson, I. E. S. Edwards and Winifred Needler deny the 'usurping theory', because Semerkhet's name is mentioned on stone vessel inscriptions along with those of Den, Adjib and Qa'a. The objects were found in the underground galleries beneath the step pyramid of (3rd dynasty) king Djoser at Sakkara. The inscriptions show that king Qa'a, immediate successor of Semerkhet and sponsor of the vessels, accepted Semerkhet as a rightful ancestor and heir to the throne. Furthermore, the Egyptologists point out that nearly every king of 1st dynasty had the habit of taking special vessels (so-called 'anniversary vessels') from their predecessor's tomb and then replace their predecessor's name with their own. Semerkhet not only confiscated Adjib's vessels, in his tomb several artifacts from the necropolis of queen Meritneith and king Den were also found. The lack of any high official's tomb at Sakkara might be explained by the rather short reign of Semerkhet. It seems that the only known official of Semerkhet, Henu-Ka, had survived his king: His name appears on ivory tags from Semerkhet's and Qaa's tomb.
Seal impressions from Semerkhet's burial site show the new royal domain Hor wep-khet (meaning "Horus, the judge of the divine community") and the new private household Hut-Ipty (meaning "house of the harem"), which was headed by Semerkhet's wives. Two ivory tags show the yearly 'Escort of Horus', a feast connected to the regular tax collections. Other tags report the cult celebration for the deity of the ancestors, Wer-Wadyt ("the Great White"). And further tags show the celebration of a first (and only) Sokar feast.
While the Cairo Stone reports the whole of Semerkhet's reign, unfortunately, the surface of the stone slab is badly worn and most of the events are now illegible. The following chart follows the reconstructions by Toby A. H. Wilkinson, John D. Degreef and Hermann Alexander Schlögl:
Cairo Stone, main fragment:
- Year of coronation: Appearance of the king of Lower- and Upper Egypt; unifying the two realms; circumambulation of the White Wall of Memphis.
- 1st year: Escort of Horus; destruction of Egypt.
- 2nd year: Appearance of the king; creation of a statue for Seshat and Sed.
- 3rd year: Escort of... (rest is missing)
- 4th year: Appearance of the king of Upper Egypt; creation of... (rest is missing)
- 5th year: Escort of... (rest is missing)
- 6th year: Appearance of the king of Upper Egypt... (rest is missing)
- 7th year: Escort of... (rest is missing)
- 8th year: Appearance of the king of Lower- and Upper Egypt... (rest is missing)
- year of death: The ...th month and ...th day. (damaged)
Egyptologists and historians pay special attention to the entrance "Destruction of Egypt" in the second window of Semerkhet's year records. The inscription gives no further information about that event. But it has a resemblance to the Manetho's report. The Eusebian version says: "His son, Semémpsês, who reigned for 18 years; in his reign a very great calamity befell Egypt." The Armenian version sounds similar: "Mempsis, 18 years. Under him many portents happened and a great pestilence occurred." None of the documents from after Semerkhet's reign provide any details about this "calamity".
Semerkhet's burial site was excavated in 1899 by archaeologist and Egyptologist Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie at Abydos and is known as "Tomb U". While excavating, Petrie found no stairways like he did at the necropolis of Den and Adjib. He found a ramp, four metres wide and leading straight into the main chamber. The ramp starts around ten metres east outside the tomb and has a base slope of 12°. Inside the tomb the ramp shows irregular graduations. Petrie was also confused by the small number of clay seals. Only 17 seals were found. For archaeologists and Egyptologists, the complete arrangement of the burial site looks like the builders were pressed for time. When Petrie freed the ramp from sand, he found that the complete ramp was thickly covered in aromatic oil, which still gave off a scent. Beside the ramp several wooden and hand-made baskets and earthen jars were found. These were dated to the Ramesside era. Scholars now think that Semerkhet's tomb was re-opened and restored when Ramesside priests and kings saw the tomb of king Djer as the ritual burial of Osiris's head. The findings inside the main chamber included precious objects such as inlays and fragments of furniture (especially pedestals), copper-made armatures and jewelry made of ebony, amethyst and turquoise. Some vessels originating from the Levant were also found. They once contained Bescha oil, which was of great value to the Egyptians. Outside the tomb, close to the entrance, a damaged tomb stela made of black granite displaying Semerkhet's serekh name was excavated.
The burial chamber measures 29.2 × 20.8 metres and is of simple construction. Petrie found that the king's mastaba once covered the whole of the subsidiary tombs. Now the royal burial formed a unit with the 67 subsidiary tombs. Egyptologists such as Walter Bryan Emery and Toby Wilkinson see this architectural development as proof that the royal family and household were killed willingly when their royal family head had died. Wilkinson goes further and thinks that Semerkhet, as the godlike king, tried to demonstrate his power over the death and life of his servants and family members even in their afterlife. The tradition of burying the family and court of the king when he died was abandoned at the time of king Qaa, one of the last rulers of the 1st dynasty. The tombs of 2nd dynasty founder Hotepsekhemwy onward have no subsidiary tombs.
- Pottery shard bearing Semerkhet's serekh, on display at the Musée du Louvre.
- Clay jar incised with Semerkhet's serekh, Musée du Louvre.
- Fragment of a vessel of white marble bearing the serekh of Semerkhet. At the left of the serekh a per bja, meaning "brazen house" or "house of ore", is mentioned. Egyptian Museum, Cairo.
- Nicolas Grimal, Ian Shaw (translator): A History of Ancient Egypt, 1992, Oxford: Blackwell publishing, ISBN 978-0-63-119396-8, p. 54
- William Gillian Waddell: Manetho (The Loeb Classical Library, Volume 350). Harvard University Press, Cambridge (Mass.) 2004 (Reprint), ISBN 0-674-99385-3, page 33–37.
- Alan H. Gardiner: The royal Canon of Turin. Griffith Institute of Oxford, Oxford (UK) 1997, ISBN 0-900416-48-3; page 15 & Table I.
- Wolfgang Helck: Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit. (Ägyptologische Abhandlungen, Volume 45), Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1987, ISBN 3-447-02677-4, page 124, 160 - 162 & 212 - 214.
- Toby A. H. Wilkinson: Early Dynastic Egypt. Routledge, London 1999, ISBN 0-415-18633-1, page 78, 79 & 275.
- Jochem Kahl, Markus Bretschneider, Barbara Kneissler: Frühägyptisches Wörterbuch, Band 1. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 2002, ISBN 3-447-04594-9, Seite 46.
- Toby A. H. Wilkinson: Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt: the Palermo Stone and its Associated Fragments. Kegan Paul International, London 2000, ISBN 0-7103-0667-9, page 76.
- Pierre Lacau, J.-Ph. Lauer: La Pyramide a Degrees. Band 4: Inscriptions gravées sur les vases. Fasc. 1: Planches. Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, Kairo 1959, Abb. 37.
- Iorwerth Eiddon Stephen Edwards: Early History of the Middle East (The Cambridge Ancient History; Vol. 1, Pt. 2). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2006, ISBN 0-521-07791-5, page 27–31.
- Michael Rice: Egypt's Making: the Origins of Ancient Egypt, 5000-2000 BC. Taylor & Francis, London/New York 1990, ISBN 0-415-05092-8, page 127.
- Walter Bryan Emery: Ägypten, Geschichte und Kultur der Frühzeit, 3200-2800 v. Chr. Fourier, Wiesbaden 1964, ISBN 0-415-18633-1, page 15–17 & 94–95.
- Eva-Maria Engel: The Domain of Semerkhet. In: Stan Hendrickx: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams: Proceedings of the International Conference „Origin of the State, Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt“, Krakow, 28th August - 1st September 2002. Peeters, Leuven 2004, ISBN 90-429-1469-6, page 705–710.
- Hermann A. Schlögl: Das alte Ägypten. Beck, München 2008, ISBN 3-406-48005-5, page 71–72.
- Ian Shaw & Paul T. Nicholson: The Dictionary of Ancient Egypt. Harry N. Abrams, New York 2003, ISBN 0-8109-9096-2, page 202.
- Dieter Arnold: Lexikon der ägyptischen Baukunst, Patmos Verlag, 2000, S. 11
- Ian Shaw: The Oxford history of ancient Egypt. University Press, Oxford (UK) 2003, ISBN 0-19-280458-8, page 69.
- G. Dreyer, A. Effland, U. Effland, E.M. Engel, H. Hartmann, R. Hartung, Lacher, Müller, Pokorny: Excavations in the Tomb of Semerkhet. In: Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Institut Kairo, vol. 62. von Zabern, Mainz 2006, page 95-97.
- Günter Dreyer: Zur Rekonstruktion der Oberbauten der Königsgräber der 1. Dynastie in Abydos (Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 47). von Zabern, Mainz 1991, page 56.
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