Corrective Movement (Syria)
|Part of the Arab Cold War|
Syrian Regional Branch of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party
|Hafez al-Assad loyalists|
|Commanders and leaders|
Salah Jadid (POW)|
|Casualties and losses|
|No mortal casualties|
|Part of a series on|
The Corrective Movement (الحركة التصحيحية), also referred to as the Corrective Revolution, was a political movement in Syria, initiated by a coup d'état, led by General Hafez al-Assad on 13 November 1970. Al-Assad's program of reform, considered revolutionary in Syria, aimed to sustain and improve the "nationalist socialist line" of the state and the Ba'ath party. Al-Assad would rule Syria until his death in 2000, after which he was succeeded by his son Bashar al-Assad.
Al-Assad started planning to seize power shortly after the failed Syrian military intervention in the Black September crisis in Jordan. While Al-Assad had been in de facto command of Syrian politics since 1969, Salah Jadid and his supporters still held all the formal trappings of power. After attending Gamal Abdel Nasser's funeral, Al-Assad returned to Syria to attend the Emergency National Congress held on 30 October 1970. At the congress, Al-Assad was condemned by Jadid and his supporters, who formed the majority of the party delegates. However, before attending the congress, Al-Assad had ordered troops loyal to him to surround the building in which the congress was held. Criticism of Al-Assad's political position continued, but with Assad's troops surrounding the building, the majority of delegates knew that they had lost the battle. Assad and Mustafa Tlass were stripped of their government posts during the congress, although this move had little practical influence.
When the National Congress broke up on 12 November 1970, Al-Assad ordered loyalists to arrest the leading members of Jadid's government. While many leading middle men were offered posts in Syria's embassies abroad, Jadid refused, telling Assad, "If I ever take power you will be dragged through the streets until you die." In response, Assad imprisoned Jadid who spent the rest of his life at Mezze prison. There were no fatalities, and the country remained calm following the coup. The only proof to the outside world that something was amiss was the fact that official dailies, radio, and, televisions stations either stopped publishing or were off the air. A Temporary Regional Command was established shortly after, and on 16 November 1970, the new government published its first decree.
Assad's faction, which was far smaller than the pro-Jadid faction, began recruiting Aflaqites to top positions to cement their power. Assad appealed directly to Michel Aflaq's sympathizers by stating: "Let us rebuild together and if we fail our heads will all be on the block together". An estimated 2,000 people responded to Assad's invitation, among them were Georges Saddiqni, a party ideologist, and Shakir al-Fahham, one of the secretaries of the Ba'ath Party's founding congress in 1947. However, despite trying to strengthen his hold on the party, at a 1970 Regional Command meeting, its members opposed Assad's motion to appoint a figurehead to lead the party. As a result, Assad went on to establish a separate power base apart from the party.
As part of his "corrective movement," at the 11th National Congress Assad introduced a general revision of national policy. Included in these revisions were measures introduced to consolidate his rule. His Ba'athist predecessors had restricted control of Islam in public life and government. Because the Constitution allowed only Muslims to become president, Assad, unlike Jadid, presented himself as a pious Muslim. In order to gain support from the ulama—the educated Muslim class — he prayed in Sunni mosques, even though he was an Alawite. Among the measures Assad introduced were the raising in rank of some 2,000 religious functionaries, and the appointment of an alim as minister of religious functionaries and construction of mosques. He appointed a little-known Sunni teacher, Ahmad al-Khatib, as Head of State in order to satisfy the Sunni majority. Assad also appointed Sunnis to senior positions in the government, the military, and the party. All of his prime ministers, defense ministers, and foreign ministers, a majority of his cabinet, were Sunnis. In the early 1970s, Assad was verified as an authentic Muslim by the Sunni Mufti of Damascus and made the Hajj—the pilgrimage to Mecca. In his speeches, he often used terms such as "jihad" (a holy war) and "shahada" (martyrdom) when referring to fighting Israel.
The coup turned Syria's social and political structures upside down. The Alawites, Assad's sect, although no more than 12% of the population, came to occupy coveted positions in every sector of life in Syria.
Assad reverted his predecessor's policy of radical economic socialism, and strengthened the private sector's role in the economy. In many ways the Corrective Movement resulted in a tacit alliance between the political elite and the Damascene bourgeoise.
The reforms also sought to normalize Syria's relations with the other Arab states since it had been isolated diplomatically during Jadid's short-lived rule. Assad tried to establish working relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia in order to establish the so-called "Cairo–Damascus–Riyadh axis" to strengthen security cooperation against Israel. The cooperation agreement was effective, and when Egypt and Syria failed to win the October War, Saudi Arabia and other Arab oil producers ceased selling oil to the West.
When the communist governments in the Eastern Bloc collapsed, an ideological crisis within the government was generated. However, Assad and his supporters hit back, stating that because of the "Corrective Movement under the leadership of the warrior Hafez al-Assad", the principles of economic and political pluralism, which had been introduced "some two decades" beforehand, safeguarded the Syrian government from the possibility of collapse.
Later, on 27 January 2000, Syrian foreign minister Farouk al-Sharaa stated, "I am not exaggerating when I say that the Corrective Movement, which took place in 1970 under the leadership of Hafez al-Assad ... has crystalized for the first time in modern Arab history a mature and realistic pan-Arab ideology."
- Seale, Patrick (15 June 2000). "Hafez al-Assad". The Guardian. Guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 19 March 2011.
- Hinnebusch 2001, p. 61.
- Seale 1990, p. 162.
- Seale 1990, p. 164.
- Seale 1990, p. 171.
- Seale 1990, pp. 171–172.
- Lefevre 2013, p. 12.
- Alianak 2007, pp. 129–130.
- Reich 1990, p. 55.
- Freedmen 2002, p. 179.
- Hinnebusch 2001, p. 87.
- Weeden 1999, p. 42.
- Ayalon 1993, p. 670.
- Ziser 2001, p. 47.
- Korany & Dessouki 2010, p. 430.
- Alianak, Sonia (2007). Middle Eastern Leaders and Islam: A Precarious Equilibrium. Peter Lang. ISBN 9780820469249.
- Korany, Baghat; Dessouki, Ali (2010). The Foreign Policies of Arab States: The Challenge of Globalization. American University in Cairo Press. ISBN 9774163605.
- Freedmen, Robert (1993). The Middle East After Iraq's Invasion of Kuwait. University Press of Florida. ISBN 0813012147.
- Freedmen, Robert (2002). The Middle East Enters the Twenty-first Century. University Press of Florida. ISBN 0813031109.
- Hinnebusch, Raymond (2001). Syria: Revolution from Above (1st ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0415267793.
- Lefevre, Raphael (2013). Syria: Revolution from Above. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0199365334.
- Seale, Patrick (1990). Asad: The Struggle for the Middle East. University of California Press. ISBN 9780520069763.
- Reich, Bernard (1990). Political Leaders of the Contemporary Middle East and North Africa: A Biographical Dictionary. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780313262135.
- Ziser, Eyal (2001). Asad's Legacy: Syria in Transition. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 9781850654506.