Military macho-violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Military-macho violence is a militarized view of masculinity that associates manliness with the excessive use of aggression, force and violence.[1] Weapons are used as status symbols and to acquire social and economic hierarchy by employing power over unarmed civilians.[1] Soldiers who exude any qualities deemed to be feminine are seen as weak and often end up being attacked and ostracized.[2]

Many societies, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo generally place the means of violence— military training, and weapons—in the hands of men, while promoting a direct link between the idea of a real man and the practice of dominance and violence.[2]

Background

Beginning with colonization, economic factors have contributed to the culture of violence that has dominated the DRC.[3] In 1908, under King Leopold II, the “methodical rape of entire villages” was a popular tactic used by his administration for keeping the local population in order.[3]

After gaining independence in 1960, the Democratic Republic of Congo was marked by political and social instability.[3] In 1965, during a coup, Colonel Joseph Mobutu took over and remained in power for the next 32 years.[3]

During the 1990s, Mobutu’s regime witnessed a large influx of refugees after the Rwandan genocide, many of which included genocide perpetrators.[3] The perpetrators were able to rearm themselves and were immediately organized by ex-(FARDC) Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo leaders.[3] In an effort to prevent future attacks from the newly formed group, Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) soldiers joined together with (AFDL) Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire forces under the leadership of Congolese rebel commander, Laurent Desire Kabila.[3] The group was responsible for killing thousands of unarmed civilians.[3]

In 2001, after the assassination of his father, Joseph Kabila took over as leader.[3] A rebellion erupted in the same year. As a result, an estimated 4 million people died in the competition for control over the DRC's natural resources.[3] Attempts to stabilize the peace process have failed.[3] Insecurity is perpetuated by the remaining militia groups, which include the Mai-Mai.[3]

Forms of Macho-Violence


Rape

Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo functions as a means of humiliating, not only a female victim, but also her family and/or husband. Once raped, the victim traditionally sends a message to her husband to alert him about the event.[4] He then arms himself and searches for the rapist. Today, most communities also stigmatize women and hold them accountable for being raped. The influx of armed groups from Burundi and Rwanda into the DRC has impacted the frequency of sexual violence in the region.[1]

After the wars of 1996 and 1998 and the displacement of Congolese people, women were forced to turn to “survival sex” with wealthy foreign soldiers and UN peacekeepers.[1] This was seen as emasculating the soldiers who were unable to live up to their expected societal roles.[1] Objectified rape became the expected order in the DRC.[1]

Many rapes occur in public spaces and in the presence of witnesses. These public rapes have become so popular that they have been given a name—“la reigne”.[1] During these rapes, women are stripped, tied upside down, and gang raped in the middle of a village.[1] The permission to invade and rape a village is often given as a reward to the armed group by the commanders.[1] The government army, FARDC, due to its size and capacity, is the largest perpetrator.[1]

"National Security" Rape

This form of rape is predominately used by governments & militaries to protect its “national security”.[1] Additionally, “national security" rape violently imposes many intersecting and mutually fundamental power relations such as nationalism and patriarchy.[1] It is used to humiliate, torture, and punish “rebellious” women for directly challenging what the rapists view as strictly enshrined ideas of femininity and masculinity.[1]

"Systematic Mass" Rape

The systematic rape of women in the DRC is regarded as a tool of oppression focused on a specific ethnic group and is generalized through terror that is justified through established national discourses.[1] During times of war, mass rape can be seen as an effective way to “feminize” one’s enemy by violating “his women, nation and homeland,” thus proving that he is incapable of being an adequate protector.[1] The raping of women in this process seeks to destroy the very “fabric of society, as women are seen as the symbolic bearers of ethno-national identity because of their roles as biological, cultural, and social reproducers of society itself”.[1]

Domestic Violence

Article 444 of the Congo Family Code states that a wife “owes her obedience to her husband”.[3] Similar laws and attitudes are prevalent in countries involved in the DRC conflict.[3] In Zimbabwe one in four women report having experienced sexual violence at the hands of their husbands.[3] Women in the DRC do not have the right to refuse sex, and should they, men have the right to discipline their wives through beating, an act often referred to as “tough love”.[3]

Although there are laws against domestic violence, cultural beliefs make it extremely difficult to implement the rules.[3] Because the social status of African women is dependent on their marital status, and because the conflict has drastically reduced the male population, women have no choice but to suffer.[3] Although the status of men is also dependent on their marital status, they are expected to exercise strict control over the wives.[3] Men are seen as being superior in that they are better educated and capable of purchasing property.[3]

Effects of Violence

Heath Effects

Survivors of sexual violence have reported multiple reproductive health problems which include vaginal fistula, sexually transmitted diseases, abnormal bleeding, pains, cysts, HIV infection, AIDS and other disabilities.[4]

Societal Effects

Women who become victims of domestic and sexual violence face social rejection by their families and community members.[4] The abused women are chased away from their homes and taken out of school.[4] In the context of the Congolese society, rape is considered to be an “act of marriage” to the perpetrator.[4] A girl who becomes pregnant as a result of abuse is no longer viewed as a child who needs the care and affection of her parents.[4]

Many women and girls report extreme poverty, being unable to continue with school and an inability to earn a living and pay fees.[4] Additionally, women declare that they are unable to find jobs because of the physical pain and injuries caused by the abuse.[4]

Psychological Effects

Women describe the emotional effects that result from military violence as having a great deal of impact on their sense of self.[4] Because of their lack of trust in men (primarily), women refuse to come forward to speak about their experiences.[4] Those who have been willing to share their stories, report psychological effects that is associated with traumatic experiences.[4]

These include:

Perpetrator Testimonies

The voices and testimonies of perpetrators have long been absent. However, during 2005-2006, Maria Erickson of the School of Global Studies at the Gotenberg University in Sweden interviewed soldiers and officers within the integrated armed forces.[2] The interviews were organized in groups made up of 3-4 people and lasted between 3–4 hours.[2]

A large portion of those interviewed were from the previous government forces, the FARDC.[2] The data collected from the interviews provided detailed accounts and useful information on how the soldiers understood their identities, their roles as combatants and the amount of pain they inflicted onto their victims.[2]

View of Masculinity


Some of the FARDC soldiers interviewed described the military as a place for the tough and strong and as a place to prove one’s manhood.[2] One soldier stated that:

"You have to learn the tough spirit of a soldier. If you do not know that, some beating up is required. Those who are not able to make it, we call them inept, also sometimes the women, the inept will run away''.[2]

He also went on to demonstrate the desensitization that accompanies military macho-violence:

''....A soldier is a soldier. He is not a civilian. Bullets are bullets. It is a war. We are not going there to kill ducks. It is war. You go there to defend. The centre is no place for compassion”.[2]

Roles as Soldiers

The respondents’ perception of their roles as soldiers was reflected in their notions of what a successful position was within the armed forces.[2] A successful soldier, they said, was an educated one who “sat behind a desk and completed administrative work”.[2] However, the soldiers also explained, that although administrative tasks were appealing, their entry into the force was not an active choice, but instead, was done to make money and receive an education.[2]

Because manhood was closely linked to material wealth their choice to join the armed forces was not a vengeful call for violence or revenge but a fall back option because of unfortunate circumstances.[2] Many of the soldiers described that they had not received the education they were promised and instead indicate that their lives had been filled with “ruin” and “tragedy”.[2] This discrepancy between a sense of how soldiering “should be” and “the way it was” was the basis for the prevalence of violence among armed forces.[2]

See also

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Baaz, M.E. "Why do Soldiers Rape? Masculinity, Violence, and Sexuality in the Armed Forces in the Congo (DRC)" (PDF). International Studies Quarterly. Retrieved 17 November 2012.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Baaz, M.E. "Making Sense of Violence: Voices of Soldiers in the Congo". Cambridge University Press. Retrieved 17 November 2012.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Mechanic, Eli. "Why Gender Still Matters: Sexual Violence and the Need to Confront Militarized Masculinity." (PDF). Partnership Africa Canada. Retrieved 17 November 2012.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Liebling, Benoit. "Bearing Children Through Rape in Eastern Congo: Community and State Responses" (PDF). Coventry University. Retrieved 17 November 2012.
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