Le Secret du Masque de fer

Le Secret du Masque de fer (The Secret of the Iron mask) is a historical essay by French novelist Marcel Pagnol, who identified the famous prisoner in the iron mask as the twin brother of Louis XIV, born after him and imprisoned for life in 1669 for having conspired against the King. The essay was published for the first time in 1965 under the title Le Masque de fer (The Iron Mask),[1] and updated in 1973, completed in particular with research on James de la Cloche, identified as the twin bearing this name in his youth.

Raised by the midwife Lady Perronette, the twin was taken to the island of Jersey at the age of six, where he was brought up by Marguerite Carteret, daughter of the island's noblest family. Having converted to Catholicism in 1667, he entered the Jesuit novitiate in Rome in April 1668. He then returned to London at the end of 1668 where he is thought to have conspired against Louis XIV alongside a certain Roux de Marcilly, who was denounced and executed in June 1669.

The accomplice of Roux, passing for his valet, Martin, and whom Marcel Pagnol in turn identified as the twin brother of Louis XIV, was also arrested and taken to Calais in July 1669, then brought to Pignerol prison under the custody of the governor Saint-Mars, where he remained until 1681. He was given the name of "Eustache Dauger", designating him as a simple valet. Still under the custody of Saint Mars, he was transferred to the fort of Exilles then to the island of Sainte-Marguerite in 1687, and finally to the Bastille in 1698, where he died in 1703 after 34 years in captivity.

Marcel Pagnol also provides information intended to demonstrate that the prisoner cannot be identified as a valet or as Count Matthioli. He thus contradicts other historians' theories which, in his view, resulted from false information deliberately disseminated by the authorities of the period who, foreseeing later examination of the correspondence, supposedly laid false trails to try to conceal the prisoner's real identity.

Chronology

5 September 1638 – Louis XIV born in Saint-Germain en Laye. Queen Anne of Austria secretly gave birth to a second child, who was brought up in the countryside by the midwife Lady Perronette.

1644 – The Carteret family, residing on the island of Jersey, adopt a 6-year-old child brought to them by Lady Perronette, who is then raised by their daughter Marguerite. In 1657, Marguerite Carteret married Jean de la Cloche, who gives his name to James.

1668 – James de la Cloche takes his novitiate at the Jesuit Institute of Rome, introducing himself as "Prince Stuart", son of King Charles II.

June 1669 - Trial and execution of Roux De Marcilly for a plot against King Louis XIV.

July 1669 - The "valet Martin", presumed accomplice of Roux De Marcilly, is arrested and taken to Calais.

24 August 1669 – Eustache Dauger arrives in Pignerol where he is imprisoned under the custody of governor Saint-Mars.

1671 – Imprisonment of Lauzun in Pignerol

1679 – Imprisonment of Count Matthioli in Pignerol

1680 – Death in Pignerol of Nicolas Fouquet, who had been imprisoned since 1664. Announcement of the release of the prisoner "Eustache Dauger" and La Rivière, Fouquet's valet.

1681 – Saint-Mars is appointed governor of the Fort of Exilles in the Alps, and leaves for there with all his general staff and his company, and just two prisoners: Dauger and La Rivière, a valet by profession. Lauzun is released.

1687 - Saint Mars is appointed governor of the islands of Sainte-Marguerite and Saint-Honorat de Lérins. He travels to his new post with his free company and Dauger, his sole prisoner, transported in a completely covered carriage. La Rivière dies in Exilles.

1691 - Death of the minister Louvois. His son Barbezieux succeeds him.

1694 - The prison of Pignerol, threatened by a concentration of Italian troops, is evacuated. The prisoners, Matthioli among them, are sent to Sainte-Marguerite. One of the prisoners dies, most probably Matthioli, according to Pagnol.

1698 – Saint-Mars is appointed governor of the Bastille where he arrives, notably, with his masked prisoner.

19 November 1703 - Death of the masked prisoner, who is buried on 20 November at the cemetery of Saint-Paul under the name of Marchialy. Major Rosarges signs the death certificate.

Prisoner's movements

Pignerol (July 1669 – 1681), Exilles (1681-1687), Sainte-Marguerite (1687-1698) then the Bastille (1698-1703).

Names and identifications

Protagonists

Louis XIV – King of France (1661-1715)

Charles II – King of England (1660-1685), Louis XIV's first cousin

François Michel Le Tellier, Marquis de Louvois – French Secretary of State for War (1662-1691)

Louis-François-Marie Le Tellier de Barbezieux (Louvois's son) – Secretary of State for War under the reign of Louis XIV (1681-1701)

Bénigne Dauvergne de Saint-Mars, known as Saint-Mars - Marshall of Lodgings of the Musketeers, he was the assistant of D’Artagnan for the arrest of Fouquet in 1661. He was then appointed governor of the state prison of Pignerol in 1664, where he commanded a free company, that is, he took orders only from the King. He was the governor of the prisons of Pignerol (1665-1681), Exilles (1681-1687), the Lérins Islands, and finally the Bastille (1698 until his death in 1708).

Nicolas Fouquet, superintendent of finances (1653-1661), arrested for embezzlement in 1661, found guilty of misappropriation of public funds in 1664, then imprisoned in Pignerol, where he died in 1680;

Count Ercole Antonio Matthioli - deputy to the Duke of Mantoue, imprisoned in Pignerol in 1679 after having negotiated the sale of the stronghold of Casal to Louis XIV. He is thought to have died on the island of Sainte-Marguerite in 1694.

Antonin Nompar de Caumont, Duke of Lauzun - serviceman and French courtier, appointed Lieutenant General of the Armies in 1670. He was imprisoned as he was about to marry the Duchess of Montpensier, first cousin of Louis XIV.

Roux de Marcilly - Leader and coordinator, in 1668, of a Europe-wide plot intended to topple King Louis XIV. He was denounced, kidnapped, and executed in Paris on 21 June 1669.

Eustache Dauger de Cavoye - Brother of Louis Oger de Cavoye, Chief Marshall of Lodgings of King Louis XIV. He was interned around 1668 and is thought to have died in detention in 1679.

Birth

When Cardinal Richelieu was informed by Louis XIII of the Queen's twin pregnancy, he claimed that the second birth would have to be hidden, as the coexistence of two dauphins would inevitably lead to civil war.

The King and the cardinal thus planned the birth to ensure that the Queen's bedroom would be "evacuated" after the first birth. According to custom, the main figures of the Court attended the birth of the first child, who was quickly baptized, then the King took the Court to the Chapel of the Château de Saint-Germain-en-Laye,[2] where a Te Deum was sung in front of about forty people. However, according to Marcel Pagnol, the Te Deum was normally celebrated in a cathedral, in front of a thousand people from all social classes.

Meanwhile, the Queen gave birth to the second child, whom the midwife Lady Perronette immediately hid in her bedroom before taking him to the countryside where she would bring him up as the illegitimate child of a daughter of the nobility.

James de La Cloche

Concerning the prisoner's past, specifically his early years prior to his arrest, Marcel Pagnol identifies the masked prisoner as a certain James de la Cloche, mentioned by some historians, including Lord Acton,[3] Andrew Lang,[4] Miss Carey,[5] Mgr Barnes[6] and Emile Laloy.

Growing up on the Island of Jersey

In 1644, when Queen Henrietta of France, sister of Louis XIII, is about to give birth to Henrietta of England, the midwife Lady Perronette was sent to England by Cardinal Mazarin to assist, taking the twin with her in order to hide him abroad, which was the actual purpose of her journey. After giving birth, Henrietta of France sent Lady Perronette to the Carteret's, the noblest family on the Jersey island,[7] so their daughter Marguerite could raise the child, being introduced as the son of a young noblewoman. It is to the same Carteret family that Henrietta of England sent her son (the future Charles II) during the civil war in 1646.

In 1657 Marguerite married Jean de la Cloche who gave his name to James.[8] Later, finding a striking resemblance between himself and Charles II when seeing his portrait,[9] he was convinced of being the King's son and wished to be legally recognised, like two other illegitimate sons who hence got the dukedom.[10] Marguerite (or probably her father Sir Carteret) approached the King on his behalf, but the latter did not acknowledge him.

Jesuit in Rome

Afterwards, James did not give up just yet. Knowing via the Carteret family that Charles II was secretly preparing for his conversion to Catholicism,[11] he decided to become a Catholic priest in order to be able to convert Charles II. In 1667,[12] he went to Hamburg to convert to Catholicism,[13] then appeared on 11 April 1668 at the Institute of Jesuit novices in Rome to take his novitiate under the supervision of Father Abbot Oliva. He supported his application with two certificates acknowledging him as "Prince Stuart", King Charles II's son: one from Charles II himself and the other from Queen Christina of Sweden.

Other letters from Charles II arrived at the Institute:[14] Shortly after James's arrival, Father Olivia thus learned that the King was preparing to convert to Catholicism, and that he could only count on his son to convert him as soon as he was ordained as a priest. Charles II promised the throne to James and a generous reward to the Jesuits.

Then, when the upcoming visit of Christina of Sweden to Rome was announced, Father Oliva received a letter from Charles II in which he asked him not to mention James as being his son to the Queen and called James to London in great urgency. James then went off to London. Just before James’ departure, which Marcel Pagnol places in early December 1668, Father Oliva received from Charles II a debt of gratitude. In a Post-scriptum, the latter asked for a payment to James of 800 pounds that he undertook to reimburse to him.[15] According to Marcel Pagnol, Oliva certainly paid that sum to James, believing the authenticity of the letters and royal guarantees.

Comparing the letters from Charles II to Father Oliva with other letters addressed to his sister Henrietta of England,[16] two graphologist experts consulted by Pagnol are positive: the letters sent to Father Oliva are fake, making James a fraud.[17],[18] Marcel Pagnol's believed in James’ good faith though, admitting that he sincerely believed he was the bastard son of Charles II.[19]

Meeting Charles II

Still proceeding with the trick of a fake supporting letter from Charles II, James would have requested an audience with Henrietta of England. In light of other correspondence between Charles II and Henrietta of England, Marcel Pagnol establishes that Henrietta received James, and handed him a letter for the attention of Charles II, judiciously leaving to him the responsibility of ordaining James.

When James gave the letter to Charles II in London in early 1669, the latter recognised him and revealed the secret of his birth, which he certainly inherited from his mother Henrietta of France.[20] Learning that he should be in reign instead of his twin brother, James is sent by Charles II to Roux de Marcilly who is leading a conspiracy against Louis XIV.

Roux de Marcilly's conspiracy (1668-1669)

In 1668, Roux de Marcilly was the head and coordinator of a plot against King of France Louis XIV. In a socio-political context of persecution of Huguenots and famine, the plot was on a European scale. The conspiracy aimed at overturning Louis XIV's government and change into republic provinces like Provence, Dauphiné and Languedoc, with the military support of Switzerland, Spain and United Netherlands (Dutch Republic). Based in London, Roux was betrayed, denounced in May 1668, illegally kidnapped in Switzerland and jailed, and then condemned to death[21] by "breaking on the wheel" in Paris on the 21st of June 1669.[4]

Marcel Pagnol recreated, through various correspondences and his own interpretation of them, the chronology of the arrest of the accomplice who would later be known as the famous Man in the Iron Mask. He was said to be made out to be Martin, Roux de Marcilly's valet, in order to hide his true identity.

Denunciation and condemnation

In London, at the start of May 1668, Sir Samuel Morland, a diplomat and ancient member of the Parliament, earned the trust of Roux de Marcilly. Morland denounced the conspirator to the Henri de Massue de Rouvigny, ambassador extraordinary of France in London. Skeptical at first, Rouvigny soon decided to arrange a dinner in the honour of Roux, aiming to hear his plans: During this dinner, Morland asked Roux a series of questions prepared in advance by de Rouvigny who, hidden in a cabinet, wrote down all the answers.

Straight after, de Rouvigny sent a long letter to King Louis XIV, giving all the details to denounce Roux, his accomplices, contacts and current moves.[22] In his essay, Marcel Pagnol reproduced in extenso the letter from the ambassador de Rouvigny to Louis XIV, which denounced the conspirator and his accomplices. This letter was found in the archives of the Ministry of Affaires étrangères (Foreign Affairs).

However, this letter provided little information on the identity of Roux de Marcilly and his occupations in London, only briefly referring to a military past.[23] de Rouvigny denounced an accomplice called Balthazar based in Geneva, and also named the Marquis of Castelo Rodrigo in Spain, King of England Charles II (first cousin of Louis XIV) and his brother the Duke of York as being well aware of the plot and linked with Roux.[24]

In spite of his long meetings with the Duke of York and State Secretary Md Arlington, Roux said he was disappointed by the lack of cooperation of England, reluctant to launch the first attacks on France. On the other hand, Roux was much more confident about the massive support of Spain and Switzerland. Marcel Pagnol reckons that Roux's plan had very good chances of success, because of the socio-political context of persecution of Protestants and famine.

After Rouvigny's report, Roux, who had been warned of the danger, fled to Switzerland where he took refuge with his friend Balthazar at the end of February 1669. In defiance of the Swiss sovereignty,[25] Louis XIV had him kidnapped.

On the 19th of May 1669 (almost one year after the letter that denounced him), Roux was made prisoner and sent to the Bastille, where the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Mgr de Lionne questions him under torture. Louis XIV had his trial sped up to only 2 days: Roux de Marcilly was executed by "breaking on the wheel" in public in Paris on the 21st of June 1669. Roux was said to have been gagged for his execution.[26]

The valet Martin

Active research went on in the days following the execution of Roux de Marcilly, much likely further to avowals and revelations he gave away while being tortured. On 12 June 1669, while the plot was already known and everything was in place for the condemnation of Roux, Lionne informed Colbert that a certain "Martin", Roux's valet, was very urgently sought in France by the King. In a letter of 1 July 1669, Colbert, who had not managed to persuade Martin to go to Paris, proposed to Lionne "to write to the King of England and ask him to have this man [a certain accomplice named Veyras][27] and […] Martin, Roux's valet, arrested and taken to Calais", which King Charles II could not refuse as Roux was acting from London.[28]

Following this letter from Colbert, Charles II wrote a letter to his sister Henrietta of England which he did not entrust to his ordinary couriers[29] and which disappeared in suspicious circumstances (See section "Those who died because of it"). According to Marcel Pagnol, it was with this letter that King Charles II asked his sister Henriette to announce to Louis XIV the arrest of the "valet Martin", who was later taken to Calais as suggested by the ambassador Colbert de Croissy. Yet on 13 July, Lionne informed Croissy that "after Roux's execution it is no longer necessary to bring Martin to France". According to Marcel Pagnol, this U-turn from the minister, occurring 22 days after Roux's execution, means in reality that Martin was arrested and lends weight to the theory that the King's order to kidnap Martin was entrusted to a special official, without the ambassador's knowledge. Marcel Pagnol therefore places the arrival of "Martin" (arrested in England) in Calais between 6 and 12 July 1669.[30]

Marcel Pagnol also indicates the existence of a real valet named Martin who served Roux: he was found in London when Roux was tracked down and said he did not know anything about the plot led by his former master.

Marcel Pagnol concludes the first part of his investigation with the theory that "Roux […] admitted under torture that the leader of the plot was the twin brother of Louis XIV, who should have reigned instead of him, and that this prince, thus deprived of his rights, pretended to be his valet Martin."

Charles II

Apparently, according to the examination of de Rouvigny's letter, it is clear that the role of King Charles II of England in this conspiracy went further than only hiding it from his cousin. He is even said to have given two audiences to Roux de Marcilly, and some French provinces were promised to England after the fall of Louis XIV 308.

However, what was also revealed in this letter was that Roux regretted the lack of cooperation of England, reluctant to launch the first attacks on France. Marcel Pagnol explained this by the fact that a high amount of money was secretly given to Charles II by Louis XIV. Charles II might have followed the "wait and see" tactic, and waited for Spain and Switzerland to start the hostilities before launching the battle with a more favorable situation. Attacked on several fronts, French forces would have probably been defeated.

Marcel Pagnol reckons that Charles II is the one who arranged contact between the twin and the conspirator Roux: Charles II is supposed to have met the twin in early 1669 (cf previous chapter). This is how Marcel Pagnol believes James was told his true identity, and was sent to Roux who was plotting a massive conspiracy against Louis XIV,[31] as all Charles II's government was well aware.

"The valet Martin" becomes "Eustache Dauger"

In a letter dated 26 July 1669, the minister Louvois gives the order to Captain de Vauroy, Major of the citadel of Dunkirk, to take a certain "Eustache Dauger" to the prison of Pignerol. Marcel Pagnol identifies this prisoner as the accomplice of Roux previously named "Martin", and later to be the famous prisoner in the iron mask. This is clearly a false name in order to conceal the real identity of the prisoner. Indeed, a real Eustache Dauger actually existed, as Martin, Roux de Marcilly's valet.

Following the letter from Louvois which De Vauroy received on 3 August, the prisoner Dauger arrived in Pignerol on 24 August, escorted by De Vauroy. Marcel Pagnol wonders about this delay of over twenty days, due either to the health of the prisoner, overwhelmed by his arrest, or to interrogations taking place.[32]

Marcel Pagnol then produces the hypothesis that the King, through Louvois, proposed a deal to the prisoner: "the King would spare his life, provided that he solemnly undertook to remain silent forever; but in the interest of the State, His Majesty was obliged to deprive him of his freedom." Marcel Pagnol feels, however, that any direct meeting with Louis XIV was "very improbable".

Eustache Dauger

Marcel Pagnol lists 13 "conditions" concerning the prisoner "Eustache Dauger" and enabling a correspondence to be established with the information on James de la Cloche at his disposal.

Eustache Dauger de Cavoye

Eustache Dauger de Cavoye was the brother of Louis Oger de Cavoye, who was King Louis XIV's Chief Marshall of Lodgings in 1677. Following incidents of misconduct (including the manslaughter of a 15-year-old pageboy) he was expelled from the army then interned in St-Lazare at his brother's Louis request. In a letter dated 23 January 1678 in which he implores his sister to help him, he says he has been "detained for more than ten years" and he is dying.[33]

Marcel Pagnol deduces that in July 1669 King Louis XIV and Louvois, knowing that Eustache Dauger de Cavoye had been interned for approximately one year, gave his name (truncating it) to the man arrested and taken to Calais, who was the prisoner in the iron mask.

Marcel Pagnol states that Eustache Dauger de Cavoye died in detention in 1679, without however quoting any document proving this.

Transfer to Pignerol

Saint-Mars, prison governor in Pignerol

In the documents at Marcel Pagnol's disposal, the name Eustache Dauger appears for the first time in the letter from Louvois dated 19 July 1669 (i.e. the day after the arrest of the valet Martin) announcing to governor Saint-Mars the due arrival of the prisoner in Pignerol and stipulating that "he is only a valet".[34] After « Martin » the true identity of the prisoner was hidden under another name, but he was still referred to as a valet. The real Eustache Dauger, however, cannot be referred to as a valet.

Then, in his letter of 26 July 1669, Louvois orders Captain De Vauroy, Major of the citadel of Dunkirk, to take the prisoner Dauger to Pignerol. The content of the letters (and the explanatory « loose sheets » which would have accompanied it, which was a common practice at that time) suggests that Louvois also ordered Vauroy not to inform his military superior, the Count of Estrades, of the purpose of his mission, under the false pretext of the deportation of Spanish deserters. The minister Louvois himself contacted Estrades, asking him to dismiss Vauroy without specifying the nature of the "affairs" in question.

However, the Count of Estrades, who at the time was in charge of the most important maritime stronghold in the kingdom in his capacity as Governor of Dunkirk, and whom the King and Louvois fully trusted, would most certainly have been informed of Vauroy's mission had it only concerned a simple valet.

Following the death in 1674 of Champagne, one of Nicolas Fouquet's two valets, Dauger was officially made Fouquet's valet. Then following the death of Fouquet in 1680, Louvois ordered the imprisonment of Dauger and La Rivière, while announcing their release.

When the masked prisoner arrived at the Bastille, "Eustache Dauger" was therefore officially released. Du Junca, "the King's lieutenant" of the Bastille, noted on the evening of 18 September 1698 the arrival of "a former prisoner whom he [Saint-Mars] had in Pignerol, whom he always kept masked and whose name cannot be spoken […]".Marcel Pagnol concludes that after the announcement of "Dauger's" release, Saint-Mars did not use any false name or pseudonym.[35]

Correspondence

Marcel Pagnol bases his argument on what he found in the correspondence between Saint-Mars and the Minister of War under Louis XIV (in this particular case Louvois until 1691, then his son Barbezieux) from July 1669 (date of the imprisonment in Pignerol)[34] to 1698 (date of the transfer to Sainte-Marguerite).

It seems that Saint-Mars sent a weekly report on the state prison to the minister, who systematically replied with his instructions. Among this extensive correspondence, Pagnol mainly has at his disposal the minister's replies, collected by the Deposit Office of War and National Archives. However, Saint-Mars's letters sent to Paris (or Versailles) appear to have been significantly expurgated.

Pagnol's theory is based on the interpretation he makes of this correspondence in which he perceives lies jointly devised between the minister and Saint-Mars, so as to develop, having foreseen the possible loss of the letters or their later examination, an "official version" regarding the prisoner's identity, rather than systematically destroying the documents which would have doubtless aroused more suspicion and curiosity.

The official version of the "valet" Eustache Dauger is maintained in the correspondence until the false announcement of the release of the prisoner "Eustache Dauger". Then in 1679 Louvois is thought

Conditions and cost of detention

The prisoner spent 34 years in captivity in four different prisons (Pignerol, Exilles, the island of Sainte-Marguerite, then the Bastille), in the custody of the same general staff, being Saint-Mars and his lieutenants. Even the turnkey (Antoine Rû) was with him throughout his captivity.

The financial question is one of the main elements raised by Marcel Pagnol demonstrating, in his view, the importance of the masked prisoner, and thus refuting the theories which identify this prisoner as a simple valet: Marcel Pagnol estimated the cost of 34 years of captivity at at least 5 billion Francs,[36],[37] bearing in mind that he estimated those of Fouquet (16 years) and Lauzun (10 years) at 1 billion.

Marcel Pagnol thus underlines the "considerations" shown to the prisoner, indicating his importance: three cells built especially for him, a very generous allowance, a certain level of luxury and exceptional treatment, including for example the permanent provision of a doctor. He was apparently granted all that he asked for.

Pignerol

Pignerol is a small town located on the slopes of the Alps, in what is now Piedmont. It was known above all for its citadel and keep, all surrounded by significant fortifications, forming a powerful fortress from where a French attack could very easily penetrate into Italy. The keep was a state prison, attached to the ministry of War, almost as famous as the Bastille, but with an even more frightening reputation. When Lauzun learned that the King had ordered his imprisonment in Pignerol, he tried to commit suicide.

The prison housed the free company of Saint-Mars, composed of 66 soldiers and a number of officers, but there were just five or six cells in the keep, where only state prisoners were held.

Saint-Mars's lieutenants were Guillaume de Formanoir (his nephew) and Blainvilliers (his first cousin). Louis de Formanoir, his second nephew, served in the cadets of the free company.De Rosarges was the ‘Major’ of the prison, the governor's assistant, and the turnkey was Antoine Rû. There were also professional valets in the prison.

The prisoners in Pignerol in the custody of Saint-Mars were: Fouquet (1664), « Eustache Dauger » (1669), Lauzun (1671), A Jacobin monk (1674), Dubreuil (1676), Count Matthioli (1679).

"He is only a valet"

In his letter to Saint-Mars on 19 July 1669 announcing the arrival of "Dauger" in Pignerol, Louvois set out instructions regarding the conditions of detention and treatment assigned to him. With reference to the furniture to be provided, he states that "he is only a valet".[34] Marcel Pagnol regards this statement as contradictory to the content of the letter and the instructions indicative of such an important personality:

Marcel Pagnol concludes the analysis of Louvois's letter by underlining that if a valet had known a dangerous secret, the danger he represented would not have been prolonged for thirty-four years by granting him such expensive detention conditions. He also compared some of the detention conditions with those of other prisoners such as Fouquet, Lauzun and Matthioli, who had not benefited from the construction of a new cell. Furthermore, the detention of prisoners such as Fouquet or Lauzun did not remain secret for such a long time.

American writer Julian Hawthorne also supports the identification of the Man in the iron Mask with this valet, whom he does not liken to Louis XIV's twin brother though.[38]

Fouquet's "valet"

At the beginning of 1675, in response to Saint-Mars's repeated requests offering the prisoner "Dauger" as a valet for Lauzun then for Fouquet, Louvois authorised him to place Dauger in the service of Fouquet (who already benefited from the services of the valet La Rivière), but strictly forbade him from giving the prisoner to Lauzun.

Dauger then officially became Fouquet's valet, which supported the official claim that "he is only a valet". Louvois also continued to express his deep concern and warned Saint-Mars again regarding any encounter between Dauger and Lauzun, when Fouquet was allowed to meet Lauzun at the beginning of 1679.[39]

According to Marcel Pagnol, Saint-Mars would actually have felt sorry for the prisoner confined in his loneliness and whose health was deteriorating. Despite Louvois's order to threaten him with death if he tried to speak to him, Saint-Mars is assumed to have listened to his story and trusted him to remain silent towards Fouquet [40]. Marcel Pagnol goes as far as to propose that it was the prisoner himself who suggested to Saint-Mars that he adopt this approach towards Louvois.

Then, following Fouquet's death in 1680, Louvois ordered Saint-Mars to confine Dauger and La Rivière, depriving them of communication with anyone at all, while announcing their release, notably to Lauzun. This false announcement of Dauger's release supported the idea that "he is only a valet" in so far as he would be released the day after his master's death.

It was at this point, according to Marcel Pagnol, that La Rivière became the valet of "Dauger". Seeing himself thus condemned to life imprisonment alongside "Dauger" without any form of accusation or judgment, he died in Exilles on 4 January 1687.

Prisoner's health

For the rest of his life the prisoner had a doctor at his disposal: Louvois authorized Saint-Mars to call one if needed without prior authorisation.

During the first month of captivity, correspondence between Louvois and Saint-Mars testifies to the continuous and scrupulous monitoring of the prisoner's health (he was seriously ill in September 1669), reminding Marcel Pagnol of an old saying according to which "when a twin is sick, it does not take long for the other to perish".

Furthermore, Marcel Pagnol sets out an analogy between the health status of "Dauger" and Louis XIV, involving feverishness and various chronic illnesses. He bases this on reports from Saint-Mars to Louvois[41] on the one hand, and extracts from Henri Druon's "L’Education des Princes"[42] on the other.

Exilles

In 1681, following the death of the Duke de Lesdiguières, governor of Exilles, Louis XIV reassigned the position to Saint-Mars, who had expressed in a letter to Louvois his "extreme repugnance [with] commanding the citadel of Pignerol". Thus, in October 1681, Saint-Mars, his prisoners and his company of 45 men left Pignerol for Exilles.

Marcel Pagnol quotes correspondence concerning the transfer to Exilles between Louvois and Saint-Mars as well as Du Chaunoy, then war administrator in charge of army supplies and buildings. In his letters Louvois explicitly transmitted the order of His Majesty to transfer two prisoners from Pignerol described as "quite important" with Saint-Mars, without mentioning their names and calling them the "two prisoners from the lower tower".[43] Marcel Pagnol positively identifies these two prisoners as "Dauger" and the valet La Rivière, despite the announcement of their release the day after Fouquet's death.

Saint-Mars only took two prisoners with him, Dauger and La Rivière. Matthioli and the others stayed in Pignerol. Marcel Pagnol also notes, in the correspondence between Louvois (later Barbezieux) and Saint-Mars, what he calls a "machination" in the form of a double red herring regarding the prisoner's identity: On the one hand, the official version that "he is only a valet", as when derisory expenses are mentioned;[44] On the other hand, false information about a transfer of Matthioli with Saint-Mars to Exilles,[45] which fuelled the widespread theory taking Matthioli to be the prisoner who would later be masked in Sainte-Marguerite then at the Bastille.

Marcel Pagnol returns again to the financial question, in particular the resources used to transfer "Dauger" and the valet La Rivière and their conditions of detention in Pignerol, the whole matter being guarded with state secrecy:

Sainte-Marguerite

In January 1687, Louis XIV granted the governance of the Lérins Islands to Saint-Mars, the latter having complained about the toughness of the mountain climate and having reportedly fallen ill. Thus on 17 April Saint-Mars, accompanied by his free company and by "Dauger", his sole prisoner following the recent death of La Rivière, left Exilles for Sainte-Marguerite, where he arrived on 30 April.

The prisoners on Sainte-Marguerite Island in the custody of Saint-Mars were "Dauger", a knight from Chézut, five or six Protestant ministers, and later Matthioli (1694).

Quoting other correspondence between Louvois and Saint-Mars, Marcel Pagnol again notes the considerable cost of the transfer and the conditions of detention, reproducing the conditions of Exilles:

A confession by Saint-Mars

Marcel Pagnol quotes an invaluable note from Saint-Mars to Louvois on 8 January 1688, in which he refers to a statement of expenses concerning the prisoner, specifying that he was not giving details "so that anyone who will see it shall not come to understand anything other than what they already believe." This document shows that:

Marcel Pagnol concludes that Saint-Mars, by thus concealing details which would reveal the importance of the prisoner, betrays the establishment of the official story that "he is only a valet".

Bastille

In May 1698, minister Barbezieux offered the governance of the Bastille to Saint-Mars for an overall salary, including revenues and profits from prisoners’ food and furnishings, of 40,000 livres per year, i.e. more than 100 million Francs in 1875 (over 40 billion Francs in 1960).

After several months of hesitation, Saint-Mars accepted and left the French Riviera for France's first prison. Marcel Pagnol stresses the fact that his team followed him to Paris: Rosarges was promoted to Major of the Bastille, Guillaume de Formanoir administrator of the large prison (he shared his duties with Abbot Giraud) as well as the modest turnkey Antoine Rù, despite the fact that many turnkeys were already employed at the Bastille.

The prisoner is thought to have been accommodated in a room close to the governor's apartments.

Fear of an Attack

Louvois's journey (to Pignerol)

On Saturday 3 August 1670, Louvois went to Pignerol with De Vauban, his assistant Mesgrigny and King's doctor Antoine Vallot. Marcel Pagnol emphasises the urgent nature of this ministerial journey, initially planned for 20 September, moved forward to 15 August, and finally taking place on 8 August (the journey from Paris to Briançon took five days and five nights in a mail-coach) in the delicate European context of the Treaty of Dover.

On his return to Paris on 27 August, on the orders of the King Louvois undertook complete renewal of the garrison of Pignerol,[53] involving the replacement of the regiment, the officers (Marcel Pagnol estimates their number to be between 30 and 40) and three governors: La Bretonnière, governor of the city, St-Jacques, governor of the Citadel, and the Major of the fort of La Pérouse.

Marcel Pagnol deduces that this journey consisted of a genuine investigation into the socio-political situation in Pignerol, long conversations with the prisoner, as well as a visit to the ambassador of Turin[46] on Sunday 10 August. As for Vauban, his mission consisted of building a strong room for the prisoner, the work only being completed in May of the following year.

Marcel Pagnol concludes that Louis XIV discovered important information about Roux de Marcilly's plot in the letters from Charles II to his sister Henrietta:[54] Protestants may have been plotting within the garrison and preparing the prisoner's escape. Louis XIV therefore sent Louvois and Vallot to question the prisoner and undertake complete renewal of the troops on site.

Isolation and Surveillance

From the prisoner's arrival in Pignerol Marcel Pagnol refers to a fortress garrison "on the alert", due to the fears held by Louvois and Louis XIV of Swiss reprisals, Roux having been arrested in violation of border agreements.[25] Precautions were apparently being taken against an attack by accomplices who might try to release the prisoner, until his transfer to the Bastille:

The mask

Throughout his study, Marcel Pagnol refers to the masked prisoner by mentioning "the Mask". The mask itself is explicitly mentioned in several accounts concerning the detention in Sainte-Marguerite and then at the Bastille. In Pignerol, Marcel Pagnol shows to what extent Louvois feared an encounter with Lauzun who would have doubtless recognized him, suggesting that the prisoner did not wear a mask in Pignerol.

In The Age of Louis XIV (1751), Voltaire mentions, during the detention on the island of Sainte-Marguerite, "a mask having a chin strap with iron springs, which enabled him to eat with the mask on his face." He also mentions the mask being worn at the Bastille, including during medical examinations. In the account given by Blainvilliers (Saint Mars's lieutenant and cousin), reported by his distant cousin Formanoir du Palteau, a black mask is also mentioned during the transfer from Sainte-Marguerite to the Bastille. Marcel Pagnol finds this black mask in accounts from the Bastille: Lieutenant Du Junca, in his records reporting the arrival of the prisoner at the Bastille, along with a certain prisoner called Linguet, respectively mention "a mask of black velvet", "of velvet and not of iron".

Thus the iron mask, as depicted in the film The Man in the Iron Mask by Randall Wallace (1998), may only be a legend, a "dramatic extension" originating from the "chin strap with iron springs".[57] Pagnol sees in this a precaution taken in order to mask a characteristic dimple visible on numerous portraits of Louis XIV.

In Sainte-Marguerite, probably because of the valet La Rivière's death, "Dauger" was authorised to go for walks on the Island. However, the fortress of Sainte-Marguerite, unlike that in Exilles, was a real prison where Dauger was likely to meet other prisoners. He was therefore required to wear a mask, to which Marcel Pagnol does not refer during the previous imprisonments in Pignerol then Exilles. Some prisoners at the Bastille, especially young noblemen, asked for the permission to wear a mask so as not to be recognized by their guards or inmates after their imprisonment. Marcel Pagnol remains convinced that the prisoner was required to wear the mask.

Death certificate and grave

Marcel Pagnol reproduces the text of the death certificate on which the name Marchialy [58] is written. The authenticity of that name has been denied by Jesuit writer Henri Griffet.[59]

As for the grave, Marcel Pagnol mentions a rumour according to which some drugs were inserted into the prisoner's coffin to consume the body, which he does not believe. He gives more credit to other rumours stating that when the grave was opened no coffin was found.[60]

Louis XIV, who respected the "blue blood" of the princes, probably did not have his brother buried in a communal cemetery after such a privileged prison regime. The prisoner may rest under a false name in a monastery or a royal chapel.

Those who knew

Those who lived on

Those who died because of it

It should also be noticed that Lauzun, who was also imprisoned in Pignerol, and to whom Fouquet could have revealed the secret of "Dauger" during secret nocturnal conversations, was "spared" and released in 1681.[63] Pagnol is apparently uncertain of what he knew (or did not know).[64]

Was Louvois poisoned?

In 1691, the secretary fell into disgrace, probably because he was disliked by Madame de Maintenon, Louis XIV's secret wife. He suddenly died whereas he was supposed to have been arrested and taken to the Bastille on the King's orders.

French memorialist Saint-Simon quotes[65] the account of Cléran, his father's former equerry, who went to see Madame de Louvois before the minister's death. In Pagnol's opinion, Saint-Simon's text leaves no doubt that Louvois was poisoned by his doctor Séron [66] on the discreet orders of the King,[67] because of the secrets he held, concerning Fouquet's poisoning, the identity of the prisoner in the iron mask, and the death of Henrietta of France.

Louis XIV then entrusted the War Ministry to Barbezieux, Louvois's son, who was just twenty-three years old at the time.

Was Barbezieux bled to death?

Although he was popular with "many beautiful ladies" (Pagnol describes him as a womaniser), Barbezieux is denounced by Saint Simon for being immature and irresponsible, apparently too young to inherit one of the most important ministries.

Saint-Simon refers to Fagon, then chief physician to Louis XIV, who was accused of having deliberately bled Barbezieux excessively, leading to his death in 1701. Here again, according to Pagnol, the order to kill Barbezieux was implicitly given by Louis XIV.

Transmission of the secret

Louis XV

Regularly questioned by his son (the dauphin, Louis XVI's father),[68] his minister the Duke of Choiseul, his mistress Madame de Pompadour, and his valet Mr de la Borde, Louis XV proved elusive and refused to answer. Pagnol observes, however, that his evasive responses suggest that he knew the secret. Eventually he would answer Madame de Pompadour and say he was the "secretary of an Italian Prince…"[69] thus referring to Matthioli. Pagnol asserts that he was in fact repeating the "fable" skilfully prepared by Louvois and Barbezieux, knowing perfectly well that it was a lie, as shown by his long silence, particularly toward his own son.

Louis XVI

Questioned by Marie-Antoinette, Louis XVI promised her he would carry out research.[70] He spoke about this to a certain Mr de Maurepas, who associated with ministers who may have known the secret and asserted that "he was simply a […] subject of the Duke of Mantoue", also referring to Matthioli. According to Pagnol, Louis XVI, who knew the secret, deferred to this Mr de Maurepas, who also repeated Louvois's "fable" rather than lie to the Queen.

Marshal of Richelieu

According Marshal Richelieu's memoirs, published by Abbot Soulavie in 1790, the daughter of Regent Philippe d’Orléans supposedly heard from her father that the prisoner was Louis XIV‘s twin-brother, the legitimate heir to the throne. These revelations were not taken seriously as Soulavie also asserts that to obtain this confidence, this girl is thought to have given favours to her father, which Pagnol disputes: Soulavie was writing during the Revolution and tried to appeal to the lower classes by denouncing the ignominy of the "tyrants" of the Monarchy. Besides, it is hard to believe the Regent was guilty of incest, he who had a great number of mistresses, and his daughter would have certainly not have prided herself on this.

Louis XVIII

Louis XVIII declared to his friend Duke de la Rochefoucauld, "I know the key to this mystery, as my successors will know it. It is our grand-father Louis XIV's honour that we must keep."[71] Pagnol believes this declaration to be sincere, explaining that Louis XVIII was able to keep the secret of his brother Louis XVI, a year older than him, and from whom he separated in 1791.

Witnesses

Mr Du Junca, "King's Lieutenant" at the Bastille

Du Junca was the second in command at the prison after the governor.

Marcel Pagnol quotes extracts from the records kept by Du Junca in which he reports the arrival at the Bastille of the prisoner brought in by Saint-Mars wearing "a black velvet mask", his death on 19 November 1703, and his burial at the cemetery of Saint-Paul the day after. The prisoner's death was registered under the name Marchiel. These records were documents meant for unofficial, personal use (as a form of reminder) and their authenticity and sincerity cannot be disputed. In any case, they constitute proof of the prisoner's existence, which is therefore not a legend.

Renneville

Pagnol quotes Constantin de Renneville, imprisoned at the Bastille in 1702, i.e. before the prisoner's death. Renneville's account in 1724 is the first public revelation concerning the unknown prisoner whom the turnkey Antoine Rû said was imprisoned for 31 years for having written poetry critical of the Jesuits, something Pagnol considers "a ridiculous invention."

It seems that the prisoner whom Renneville met was not the famous Man in the Iron Mask, based on several aspects differing from other accounts:

The prisoner seen by Renneville could not be Count Matthioli imprisoned in 1679, i.e. 26 years of detention by 1705 rather than the 31 years mentioned. However, based on the "very thick black frizzy hair," this may be the Mooress of Moret, born of adultery between Maria Theresa of Spain (the wife of Louis XIV) and a black slave, whom Pagnol never mentions in his essay.

Voltaire

Voltaire was imprisoned at the Bastille from May 1717 to April 1718, i.e. 14 years after the masked prisoner's death, and again in 1726. Pagnol considers him to have been the main initiator of the widespread curiosity regarding the mysterious prisoner. In 1738 he wrote that he had "spoken to people who served him," making very little reference to his sources, at least in the extracts Pagnol gives in his investigation.

Le Siècle de Louis XIV (The Age of Louis XIV) (1751)

Pagnol mentions an extract in which Voltaire refers to the mysterious prisoner, imprisoned on the island of Sainte-Marguerite then at the Bastille. He describes an attractive and well-built young man wearing "a mask having a chin strap with iron springs",[57][73] gives certain details testifying to a luxurious detention environment and the great respect and consideration with which he was treated by prominent citizens such as the Marquis de Louvois.

In the 2nd edition (1752), Voltaire quotes an anecdote, during imprisonment in Sainte-Marguerite, concerning a silver plate on which the prisoner is thought to have written with a knife before throwing it out of the window and which was brought back to the governor by an obliging and illiterate fisherman. Voltaire also quotes Michel de Chamillart, secretary for war in 1701 (having succeeded Barbezieux), as the last secretary to keep the secret, and whose son-in-law the Second Marshall of La Feuillade is said to have failed to make him break his oath of silence. Chamillart is said to have revealed that this was a man "who knew all the secrets of Mr Fouquet." [74] Voltaire concludes from this that he had been kidnapped shortly after Cardinal Mazarin's death in 1661, which proved to be incorrect.[75]

Voltaire also wonders about such detention measures and state secrecy around a simple subordinate confidant.

Questions on the Encyclopaedia

Voltaire took up his pen once again after his enemy Fréron's publications in 1768.

In the Questions sur l'Encyclopédie (1770), he declares that wearing the mask was enforced, including during medical examinations, for fear that "an overly striking resemblance […] would be recognized" and quotes the apothecary of the Bastille's account, to whom the prisoner is thought to have told his age shortly before his death, saying he was "around sixty years old".[76][77] It is noticeable that the death certificate states a younger prisoner of "forty-five years old or thereabouts." Voltaire also wonders about the Italian name he was given, most probably referring to the death certificate.

The 1771 editor gives his version of the facts, which according to him is the version Voltaire could not explicitly give in his writings for fear of royal reprisals: The Queen who feared being unable to provide an heir to Louis XIII, gave birth to a first child and told the secret to Cardinal Mazarin who decided to arrange "the opportunity of a single bed for the King and the Queen," whereas they had not lived together for a long time. This hypothesis, according to which the prisoner is thought to be Louis XIV's elder brother, is not based on any proof, on the other hand Pagnol does not put forward any information that would demonstrate it is wrong.[78][79]

The letters to Fréron

French journalist Elie Fréron published letters in the periodic l’Année littéraire in 1768.

Letter from Lagrange-Chancel, imprisoned on the islands of Sainte-Marguerite from 1719 to 1722

Lagrange-Chancel reports the account of Mr de Lamotte-Guérin's, governor of the Islands at the time of Lagrange-Chancel's imprisonment and lieutenant of the islands, therefore Saint-Mars's deputy, at least six years before the Prisoner's transfer to the Bastille.

Lamotte-Guérin, who therefore had access to the prison records, gives the date of the prisoner's arrest (1669). He spends time with the prisoner every day, for example when he accompanies Saint-Mars to serve the prisoner's meals, as Saint-Mars describes in a letter to Louvois in January 1696. Thirty years before the publication of Voltaire's The Age of Louis XIV, Lagrange-Chancel already refers to the consideration shown by Saint-Mars, the silver dishes and luxury clothes. The prisoner is identified as the Duke of Beaufort, who died at the Siege of Candia.[80]

Letter from Mr du Palteau (June 1768)

Mr du Palteau was Guillaume de Formanoir's son, Saint-Mars's nephew and a cadet in the free company which will notably watch over the masked prisoner. Guillaume became a lieutenant in 1693 and most probably also accompanied Saint-Mars to serve the prisoner's meals. Pagnol describes him as "the best-informed of all witnesses."

He refers to the curiosity of his cousin Blainvilliers (Saint-Mars's first cousin) who disguises himself as a sentry in order to observe the prisoner under his bedroom window, a stopover by the prisoner in Palteau during transfer from Sainte-Marguerite to the Bastille, and farmers’ accounts of having seen the prisoner sitting at the same table as Saint-Mars in his dining room. Blainvilliers, who is thought to have seen him without his mask, describes his physical appearance as "tall and well-built," with grey hair and "nice clothes," and reports a real royal ceremonial during the visits, which Pagnol compares to that established by Henri IV at court.[81] He then mentions a "black mask" when Saint-Mars and the prisoner stop at Palteau.

Mr du Palteau concludes by declaring: "I did not hear it said that he had a foreign accent," most probably eliminating the hypothesis of a foreigner such as Matthioli. In his letter, he does not provide any theory regarding the prisoner's identity. In June 1768, doubtless following the reactions aroused by Fréron's publications, he wrote that his account cannot "support any speculations produced until now." [82] Pagnol explains that he might have known the prisoner's identity, since it was a family matter, but that he was sworn to secrecy because of his membership of the Royal Academy of Agriculture.

Other accounts

Princess Palatine, duchess of Orléans, the King's sister in law

In a letter sent to the Princess of Hanover in 1711, i.e. 8 years after the prisoner's death, Princess Palatine identifies him as "an English milord who had been involved in the affair of the Duke of Berwick against King William II." Pagnol explains that those in power "directed the suppositions towards some foreign lord", and he also refers to the Duke of Monmouth[83] or Cromwell's son.

An anonymous novel

This is a tale, Mémoires secrets pour servir à l’histoire de la Perse (Confidential Memoirs Serving as a History of Persia) published in Amsterdam in 1745, using names from One Thousand and One Nights: while his death is announced, the Count of Vermandois, son of Louis XIV and the duchess Louise de La Vallière, is taken prisoner and masked by Louis XIV for having slapped the Dauphin.[57][84]

Pagnol considers such a version "unacceptable" but all the same underlines the fact that the book was printed in Holland without any author's name, proving that the identity of the masked prisoner was still an important state secret in 1745, some 42 years after his death.

Linguet, imprisoned for a long time at the Bastille. His account was recorded by La Borde, Louis XV's valet:

"1. The prisoner wore a velvet mask and not an iron mask, at least during the time he spent at the Bastille.

"2. The governor himself served him and took away his laundry.

"3. When he went to mass, he was strictly forbidden to talk or show his face; the order was given to the veterans to shoot at him; […]

"4. When he died, everything was searched and burnt. […]"

The Duke of Saint-Simon, memorialist (and Lauzun's brother-in-law)

The two brothers-in-law[85] lived in Marly in a house where they shared a certain intimacy and Saint-Simon, according to what he says, had to "extract from him [Lauzun] stories of the past," among which most probably were those about the mysterious prisoner, based on his nocturnal conversations with Fouquet in Pignerol.[39]

At his death in 1754, Saint-Simon left a large number of manuscripts, which were not published due to an "Order of the King" to keep them secret in 1760. After full examination by two of the King's historiographers, a first edition of the Memoirs was issued in 1830. Yet according to François-Régis Bastide,[65] who examined the very first inventory: "One hundred and sixty-two portfolios are missing, which represents a quantity of writing work fifteen times larger than the Memoirs." Pagnol concludes from this that Saint-Simon's Memoirs were expurgated on the King's order.

Complements

Louis XIV

Louis XIV by Hyacinthe Rigaud (1701)

To support his theory according to which Louis XIV supposedly ordered his own brother's imprisonment for life, harshening the sentence by making him wear a mask, Pagnol recounts several anecdotes from the childhood, reign and personal life of the "Sun King", revealing a vain, cruel and deceitful side, going so far as to suggest several orders to murder certain figures by poisoning them (in particular the minister Louvois, see section "Those who knew"). Finally he denounces the revocation of the Edict of Nantes as being his "main crime".

A marked childhood

Drawing on a book by Philippe Erlanger,[86] Pagnol cites some premonitory anecdotes: examples of unreasonable and premature praise (under five years old), a night in small camp beds in St-Germain during the Fronde; the people besieging the royal palace and "dissidents" approaching the little king's bed to make sure of his presence, but who give rise to lingering grudges.

Pagnol then quotes stories extracted from the Memoirs of Saint-Simon, depicting the King in all his deceit.

The forbidden marriage of Mademoiselle and Lauzun

Mademoiselle, Louis XIV's first cousin, possessed considerable properties, in particular the principality of Dombes and the comté of Eu. After having declared that he would not oppose her marriage to the Duke of Lauzun, the King had it cancelled the day before the ceremony planned for 18 December 1670. He then had Lauzun imprisoned in Pignerol (where he stayed for ten years) in order to exchange his freedom against the principality of Dombes and the comté of Eu, which he bequeathed to the Duke of Maine, his illegitimate son from his affair with Madame de Montespan.

Once released, Lauzun is forced to stay in the provinces, under the custody of a captain of the musketeers, and the King still forbids his marriage.

Philippe d’Orléans

Louis XIV also betrayed his nephew Philippe d’Orléans by disinheriting him and by designating the Duke of Maine as regent of the Kingdom. He informed him of this as he was lying on his deathbed, after the last rites, indulging in speeches and outbursts of great hypocrisy.

"Monsieur" Philippe d'Orléans – his younger brother

Louis XIV also took sanctions against his brother Monsieur when he commanded the victorious army of William of Orange at the Battle of Cassel in 1677. Jealous of this remarkable success, Louis XIV gave him no further commanding role.

"Disaster" of Fargues

During a major hunting trip near Dourdan, the Count of Guiche, the Count of Lude, Vardes, the Duke of Lauzun (who recounted the adventure to Saint-Simon) and other courtiers got lost in the forest after the King had returned. They asked then for hospitality at the house of a certain Fargues, who warmly welcomed them, offering an excellent meal and rooms for the night. But Fargues, who at the time of the Paris Revolt incurred the wrath of the Court and in particular of Cardinal Mazarin, had chosen to discreetly withdraw and be forgotten.

Following the hunting adventure, the King and the Queen, furious to learn that Fargues was living quietly so close to Paris, asked Lamoignon, first President of the Parliament of Paris, to investigate his past. Lamoignon found a way to implicate Fargues in a murder committed during a period of troubles, on which ground Fargues was arrested and executed despite the protection of amnesty.

The revocation of the Edict of Nantes

The Edict of Nantes, an edict of tolerance promulgated in April 1598 by King Henry IV of France which put an end to religious wars by granting certain rights to Protestants, was revoked by Louis XIV in October 1685. Pagnol denounces this as the "main crime" committed by Louis XIV, and the catalyst for a real civil war in France involving huge "massacres".

Indeed, Louis XIV would later realise this. On his deathbed, anxious to escape Catholic hell, he turned to Cardinals de Rohan and de Bissy, holding them responsible for everything.

Posterity, laudatory slogans

If they wished to protect their professional survival, writers, poets and authors of that time had no choice but to win the King's favour. According to Pagnol, it was thus flattery from figures such as Boileau, Molière etc. which ensured Louis XIV's posthumous glory. He was assigned the name of "Louis le Grand" by an assembly of prominent figures at his own orders, rather than elevated by History for the greatness of his reign.

Count Matthioli

Ercole Antonio Matthioli, was born in Bologna in 1640, and was appointed deputy to the Duke of Mantoue (in present Lombardy) which made him a count, a title that Marcel Pagnol describes as "not very serious".

In 1678, the Duke of Mantoue secretly asked Matthioli to negotiate the sale of the stronghold of Casal with Louis XIV (in what is now Piedmont), a real strategic point close to the French border, explaining why he was generously rewarded by Louis XIV.

However, he revealed the secret at the Court of Turin, which then spreads as far as Spain. The treaty is therefore not ratified. Louis XIV, feeling deceived and ridiculed, had him kidnapped and imprisoned in Pignerol in May 1679, then on the Islands of Sainte-Marguerite, where he died in 1694, most probably of exhaustion caused by the walk from Pignerol to the Islands, about a hundred kilometres.

The "Matthiolist" theories

Pagnol quotes certain theories identifying the masked prisoner as Count Matthioli,[87] such as those of Marius Topin,[88] or the historian Funck Brentano,[89] particularly due to the name Marchialy written on the death certificate, which could be a distortion of "Matthioli". Pagnol rejects this theory using several arguments:

Furthermore, Italians were chosen to carry the oilcloth litter which covered the prisoner. Yet according to Pagnol, carriers who did not speak the prisoner's language were chosen to prevent him from making revelations, which indicates that the prisoner was not Italian.

Finally, Pagnol thinks it unlikely that the prisoner would be identified by his name (corrupted as Marchialy) on the death certificate after his identity had been kept secret for 34 years.

References

  1. Pagnol, Marcel (1965). Le masque de fer. Paris: Éditions de Provence.
  2. Dumont, Jean. Supplément au Corps universel diplomatique, t. IV. 1739. p. 176.
  3. In 1862, the historian Lord Acton merged his monthly publications under the title Home and Foreign Review
  4. 1 2 Lang, Andrew (1903). The Valet's Tragedy.
  5. Pagnol refers to The Channel Islands (London, 1904) by Miss Carey, a study of the History of the Channel Islands.]
  6. In his book The Man Behind the Mask, Mgr Barnes asserts that James was really the illegitimate child of Charles II.
  7. A little coastal area in Cotentin still bears this name today, the commune of Barneville-Carteret.
  8. The origin of the name "de la Cloche" is then established, but not of the first name James, the English equivalent of Jacobus. The English sounding name suggests that this first name was given after the arrival on the Island of Jersey, which was French-speaking.
  9. Pagnol sees in it a striking resemblance between Charles II and Louis XIV (first cousins), referring to a portrait of Charles II painted by Peter Lely, offered to Sir Carteret by Henrietta of England.
  10. Pagnol cites the Duke of Monmouth, son of Lucy Walter, who obtained this title in 1663. He also mentions the Duke of Saint-Albans, son of Nell Gwyn, but he was only made a duke in 1684, whereas "Dauger" had already been imprisoned for fifteen years.
  11. Charles's true intentions regarding his conversion to Catholicism remain unknown: he secretly commits to this later, in one of the clauses of the Treaty of Dover, and only converts on his deathbed in 1685. It is known, however, that his mother Henrietta of France and his wife Catherine of Braganza were catholic.
  12. Pagnol does not give any precise date as to when James approached King Charles II, doubtless through the Carterets. James Scott, illegitimate son of Charles II, was made Duke of Monmouth in 1663. If, further to Charles II's refusal to acknowledge him, he converted to Catholicism in 1667 (aiming to convert Charles II afterwards), it would have been a late reaction, a couple of years after James Scott obtained the title of duke.
  13. Pagnol does not specify James de la Cloche's religion before conversion to Catholicism. According to Lord Acton, who obtained a copy of a manuscript from the archives of the Jesuits in Rome, James is thought to have been raised in the Protestant religion.
  14. Pagnol obtained photostats of Charles II's letters through the archivist Father at the Church of the Gesù in Rome
  15. The sum of 800 pounds sterling is mentioned as having already been paid to James, which Pagnol interprets as an express request, representing a case of swindling.
  16. Pagnol obtained the letters of Charles II to his sister through the Foreign Affairs archives. These were used by experts in graphology consulted by Pagnol to examine the writing and compare it against the letters addressed to Father Oliva in Rome. Regarding the King's secret conversion, the letters to Father Oliva were certainly not dictated to a secretary.
  17. The historian John Lingard, who procured the letters of Charles II to James and Father Oliva, affirmed that they all are fakes, making James an imposter prince. The letters addressed to King Charles II evoke Queen Henrietta Maria as being in London in 1668, when she went to settle in France three years before, where she remained until her death in 1669.
  18. Pagnol then cited another evidence put forward by John Lingard identifying one of the letters as a fake: "On the other hand, one of the King's certificates is dated from White Hall while the King, because of the plague in London, had taken refuge in Oxford with all his court". Indeed, the letter of November 18, 1668 by which Charles II sent a debt of gratitude to Father Oliva, is dated from Whitehall. However, according to the article Charles II of England referring to the book Charles II by John Miller, the royal family left London in July 1665 for Salisbury, while Parliament met in Oxford. The King returned to London in February 1666, he could therefore have drafted a letter to White Hall in late 1668.
  19. By placing James's birth at the time of Louis XIV's, i.e. 5 September 1638, he would only be eight years younger than Charles II, born in 1630.
  20. 1 2 Queen Henrietta of France is thought to have revealed the secret to her son Charles II at the time of her coronation in 1649, after James and Charles II were together on the island of Jersey for around two years, between 1646 and 1648. Pagnol does not mention any encounter between James and Charles II between 1649 and the beginning of 1669
  21. The sentence against Roux de Marcilly is given in a bibliographical note available in the Archives of the French National Library (reference number N° FRBNF36755131).
  22. Mr de Ruvigny even goes as far as to warn of a possible attack against Louis XIV when he writes, describing Roux, that "this devil incarnate says that a well-supported coup will bring relief to everyone."
  23. The ambassador Mr de Ruvigny writes to Louis XIV that the conspirator Roux de Marcilly "is a Huguenot, and a native of four or five leagues from Nimes, he has a house, […] six leagues from Orléans, named Marcilly, he says he served in Catalonia, […], that he served the people of the Piedmont valleys, […]"
  24. According to the report by Mr de Ruvigny, deputy Ambassador of France in London, denouncing Roux de Marcilly's conspiracy, it had been "agreed that the King of England would have Guyenne, Poitou, Brittany and Normandy, […]." Roux is thought to have referred to a conversation with the Duke of York and an appointment with Arlington.
  25. 1 2 After Roux was abducted on their territory, Swiss people protested and demanded the prisoner to be returned. French historian Haag wrote in La France protestante: "Outraged by the violation of their territory, Swiss people put the French emissaries on trial and had them sentenced to death by contumacy."
  26. Pagnol quotes the testimony of French magistrate Olivier Lefèvre d’Ormesson.
  27. Shortly after, on 13 July, Lionne informs Colbert de Croissy that it is no longer necessary to arrest the accomplice Veyras : "For Veyras, God will take care of his punishment."
  28. In early June 1669, i.e. at the time of de Marcilly's trial, Charles II summoned the ambassador Colbert de Croissy to express to Louis XIV his regrets for not having had, in his own words, "the slightest knowledge of the pernicious intentions of this villain [Roux]" on the lands of his kingdom.
  29. On 5 July, Charles II writes to his sister Henrietta of England: "I will write you another letter tomorrow [on 6 July] that I will entrust to Abbot Pregnani."
  30. After the arrest of "Martin Dauger", Lionne publicly declared that "it would have been better not to arrest Roux, as we had absolutely no proof of the existence of a conspiracy, […]."Pagnol considers this declaration to be ridiculous and intended to downplay the matter: "there was no conspiracy and consequently no accomplice."
  31. This timeline given by Pagnol appears quite questionable since in 1669, Roux had already been denounced for several months.
  32. It is not known where exactly the prisoner is located when Mr de Vauroy receives Louvois's letter on 3RD August. Immediately after his arrival in Calais, he was certainly interned in the vicinity of Dunkirk. He may also have been questioned in Paris before the transfer to Pignerol. In August 1670, Louvois completed the route from Paris (or Versailles) to Briançon in just five days on his way to Pignerol.
  33. This letter written by the real Eustache Dauger de Cavoye, imprisoned when he wrote it on 23 January 1678, was found in the family archives of Germaine de Sarret, whose grandfather had married Louis and Eustache's sister. Pagnol quotes André Chéron and Germaine de Sarret's book. Eustache Dauger de Cavoye claims to be dying when he describes himself as a "poor man leading a languishing life that is soon to end […]."
  34. 1 2 3 Louvois' letter dated 19 july 1669, which informs Saint-Mars of the prisoner's arrival in Pignerol, was found in 1829 by french historian Joseph Delort at the National Archives.
  35. However, Mr du Palteau writes to Mr du Fréron in June 1768: "The man in the iron mask […] was only ever referred to on the Islands of Sainte-Marguerite and at the Bastille under the name of la Tour." This name can be found in a letter from Louvois to Saint-Mars at the time of the transfer to Sainte-Marguerite: "two prisoners in the lower tower (la tour d’en bas)"
  36. 1 2 To convert livres into francs, Pagnol uses the value of 3000 francs (1960) for the livre tournois, the ‘livre parisis’ having been abolished in 1667.
  37. 1 2 Pagnol refers to Saint-Mars's inheritance as estimated at around 5 billion: 3 seigniorial estates: Le Palteau, Erimont, Dixmont. Iung estimates their value at 10 million francs in 1873, i.e. over 4 billion francs in 1960; 600 million in cash, silverware, furniture, weapons and jewellery.
  38. Hawthorne, Julian (2007). The Lock and Key Library: Classic Real Life Mystery Stories Volume 10. Cosimo.
  39. 1 2 Fouquet and Lauzun would communicate secretly through a hole dug between their cells. Saint-Mars reported it to Louvois further to Fouquet's death.
  40. When Dauger becomes Fouquet's valet (this is the official version at least, but he was allowed to meet him in any case), he does not sleep in his bedroom and during the day their conversations are always monitored by an officer (or by Saint-Mars himself). The fact remains that Dauger is therefore thought not to have kept his promise because he would, according to Pagnol, have revealed to Louvois that he knew Dauger's secret (i.e. his real identity), the reason why Louis XIV and Louvois prepared his "execution"
  41. Saint-Mars writes to Louvois : "As there is always some one of my two prisoners sick, […]" (Exilles, 4 December 1681) "My prisoner, valetudinarian as always […]" (letter quoted by Iung)
  42. Druon, Henri Valéry Marc (1897). Histoire de l'éducation des princes dans la maison des Bourbons de France. P. Lethielleux.
  43. On 12 May 1681, Louvois writes to Saint-Mars: "Regarding the two [prisoners] in the lower tower, you only have to mark them down with this name, without putting anything else." Saint-Mars scrupulously applies these instructions when he writes to the Abbot of Estrades, at the time of the transfer to Exilles on 25 June 1681: "I will have custody of two wretches that I have here [in Pignerol], who have no other name than ‘the men in the lower tower’ (Messieurs de la tour d’en bas)." This characterisation of "the lower tower" can be found in the name "La Tour" in the account of Mr du Palteau.
  44. On 14 December 1681, Louvois ordered Saint-Mars to dress the two prisoners (Dauger and La Rivière) in new clothes, specifying that "the clothes must last three or four years for these sorts of people," speaking of Dauger and the valet La Rivière with the same contempt. Pagnol feels that the saving made on an outfit supposed to last four years is derisory considering that the allowance for the two prisoners was 35,000 francs per day, and that their arrival in Pignerol cost 9 million francs’ worth of work for each of them.
  45. 1 2 In his letter of 9 June 1681, Louvois orders Saint-Mars to leave for Exilles. At the end of his letter, he adds that Matthioli's "rags" […] "must be brought to Exilles," suggesting that Matthioli is among the prisoners to be transferred to Exilles. However the Italian stayed for more than ten years in Pignerol, as proven by the letter from Saint-Mars to the Abbot of Estrades (who therefore escapes the purge of the War Ministry) of 25th June: "Matthioli will stay here [in Pignerol]."
  46. 1 2 3 4 Iung, Théodore (1873). La vérité sur le Masque de fer (les empoisonneurs). Paris: Plon.
  47. In his letter of 11 May 1681 to the War Administrator du Chaunoy, Louvois mentions "some repairs […] to be done" in Exilles related to Saint-Mars and the transfer of his two prisoners. For these "repairs" Saint-Mars will receive 6000 livres (Iung), i.e. 18 million francs.
  48. According to Iung (Vol. 1244), Saint-Mars received in Exilles, for the two prisoners, 2190 livres per year each, or a total amount of 12 livres (over 35,000 Francs) per day. The same amount was allocated to Saint-Mars "for the subsistence of thirty men" on 10 February 1672 (National Archives, 120).
  49. Pagnol gives the measurements of the dungeon of Sainte-Marguerite, estimating its cost of construction, in addition to the cost of Saint-Mars's accommodation, at 7200 livres, or 21 million francs: 30 m2, height of ceiling: 4.50 m, window 2.05 m x 1.15 m.
  50. For the islands’ dungeon, Saint-Mars obtained credit of 5300 livres, extended by a supplement of 1900 livres. (Pagnol quotes a letter from Louvois of 16 March 1687 which indicates an initial amount of 5026 livres.) This total amount of 7200 livres, more than 21 million old francs, did not in fact cover the entire work, if labour is taken into account, which was free at the time as it was provided by engineering companies of the War Commissioner Mr du Chesnoy. The dungeon can still be visited (or at least it could when Pagnol's investigation was republished in 1973).
  51. Saint-Mars describes the "small ceremony" in Barbezieux in his letter of 6 January 1696. He specifies that he made sure the dishes, the corners of the bedroom and other places where the prisoner could have written were scrupulously and systematically inspected.
  52. Hillairet, Jacques (1956). Gibets, Piloris et Cachots.
  53. Mongrédien, Georges (1952). Le masque de fer. Paris: Hachette.
  54. Duvivier, Maurice (1932). Le Masque de fer. Paris: Armand Colin.
  55. This order from the King on 26 July 1669 constitutes a real disavowal for the Marquis of Pienne, military governor of the citadel and lieutenant general, with regard to the gaoler Saint-Mars, guardian at the commoners’ prison. Mr de Pienne resigned a few months later.
  56. On 11 March 1682, Saint-Mars reports to Louvois the recent settling in of the prisoners in Exilles, particularly the precautions taken to prevent any form of outside communication: Two men on sentry duty who stood guard day and night must report any attempt at outside communication. Also the cell is closed with two doors and a tambour preventing the priest from seeing them from inside the tower; the windows are fitted with triple bars.
  57. 1 2 3 Count Vermandois and the chin strap with iron springs are again referenced in the legend of an anonymous engraving of 1789: "[…] Some papers found at the Bastille inform us that this name [the Man in the Iron Mask] only ever belonged to Louis de Bourbon, Count of Vermandois, Louis XIV's natural son, born on 2 October 1667, who was condemned to life imprisonment for slapping the Dauphin in the face at the age of sixteen […]" His face was covered with an iron mask having a chin strap with iron springs which allowed him to eat nevertheless. […]"
  58. Chevalier, Major of the Bastille for over thirty years (1749-1787) wrote notes about each of the former prisoners. For those of the Mask, he notably added to du Junca's texts: "Buried in Saint-Paul, […] under the name Marchiergues."
  59. Griffet, Henri (1770). Traité des différentes sortes de preuves qui servent à établir la vérité de l'histoire. J.-F. Bassompierre.
  60. Marcel Pagnol mentions rumours reported by historians such as G. Lenotre or Emile Laloy. It was also said that a large rock was found in the coffin.
  61. Pagnol quotes a letter of 6 July 1670 written by the English ambassador Montaigu to Prime Minister Arlington. Montaigu was present at Madame's death: "This opinion is firmly based on the declarations of the Princess herself, repeated several times in the throes of agony…"
  62. According to the historian Cyril H. Hartmann, King Charles II and his sister Princess Henrietta of England wrote to each other twice a week after Henrietta's marriage in 1661. A large number of these letters are published in The King my Brother and Charles II and Madame. Pagnol also quotes the historian Julia Cartwright.
  63. Pagnol specifies that Lauzun remained under very close surveillance when released: he was required to stay in the provinces under the custody of a certain Mr de Maupertuis, captain of the musketeers and Saint-Mars's friend.
  64. Pagnol writes : "Fouquet certainly spoke to him about it [to Lauzun, about the mysterious prisoner], without revealing the secret to him, as he knew he was too talkative."
  65. 1 2 Bastide, François-Régis (1953). Saint-Simon par lui-même. Paris: Seuil. ISBN 2-02-000015-6.
  66. Doctor Séron is thought to have died after locking himself in his bedroom for several hours, screaming about his guilt for "what he had done to his master."
  67. Saint-Simon carefully finishes the story of Louvois's death in order to avoid any accusation of the crime of lese-majesty: "Who did it? […] What is certain is that the King was absolutely incapable of doing it, […]." Pagnol regards this as no more than an "obligatory phrase".
  68. According to the moralist Sénac de Meilhan.
  69. Dutens, Louis (1806). Mémoires d’un voyageur qui se repose.
  70. Campan, Henriette (1822). Mémoires sur la vie privée de Marie-Antoinette. 1. Paris: Librairie Baudouin frères. p. 107.
  71. Mullié, Charles (1841). Fastes De La France Ou Tableaux Chronologiques, Synchroniques et Géographiques De L'Histoire De France.
  72. According to Lagrange-Chancel, Princess Palatine's butler, Louis XIV was "five feet eight inches tall," or 1.84 meter.
  73. Voltaire (1751). "25 - Particularité et anecdotes du règne de Louis XIV". Le Siècle de Louis XIV.
  74. Voltaire (1753). Supplément au Siècle de Louis XIV. Garnier.
  75. Lamotte-Guérin, lieutenant of the Islands (Saint-Mars's assistant) at the time of the prisoner's detention, corrects as follows: "This extraordinary event that he [Voltaire] identifies as taking place in 1661, a few months after Cardinal Mazarin's death, did not occur until 1669, eight years after the death of this Eminence."
  76. Voltaire. Questions sur l'Encyclopédie. pp. 283&284.
  77. The age of "approximately 60 years old" in 1703 (age 65, if born in 1638) rules out any identification of the prisoner as Fouquet, who would have been 88 years old in 1703.
  78. This transcribed introduction to Questions on the Encyclopaedia could also be interpreted by forwarding the hypothesis that this elder brother of Louis XIV was in reality the son of Queen Marie-Thérèse of Austria and Cardinal Mazarin (there is no obvious reason preventing him from being legitimately brought to the throne if he were Louis XIII's son), a theory to which Pagnol does not refer in his essay.
  79. Jean-Louis Carra, librarian at the Bastille, asserts in his Mémoires historiques (1789) that the masked prisoner was Louis XIV's elder brother. Pagnol considers this assertion as having "no valid proof."
  80. In his Supplement to the Age of Louis XIV (1753), Voltaire writes: "It was not the Duke of Beaufort, who only disappeared at the Siege of Candia and whose corpse could not be distinguished as the Turks had cut off the head." French writer Germain-François de Sainte-Foix also contradicts the identification of the prisoner as the Duke of Beaufort in his response to Lagrange Chancel's letter (reporting the ex-lieutenant Lamotte-Guérin's assertion): "Monsieur de Beaufort actually died at Candia, […]".
  81. At the court, the ceremonial etiquette imposed by Henry IV for meals was as follows: The King, his hat on his head, would go and sit at his place. All the guests would line up in front of him, standing and hatless. Then the king would signal them to put on their hats and be seated. Now, according to Blainvilliers: "The governor and officers remained in front of him, standing and hatless, until he had them put on their hats and sit down." Pagnol concludes that the officers mentioned by Blainvilliers (including Blainvilliers himself) followed the same ceremonial etiquette in front of the masked prisoner as they would have done if dining at the King's table.
  82. de Saint-Foix, Germain-François Poullain (1766). Essais Historiques Sur Paris. V. Chez Duchesne. p. 275.
  83. In his Essais historiques, Saint-Foix "supports the candidacy" of the Duke of Monmouth, which Pagnol considers unacceptable considering that he was still in England sixteen years after the prisoner's detention. He commanded, for example, a victorious battalion at Bothwell Bridge on 22 June 1679.
  84. Father Griffet, Chaplain of the Bastille from 1745, also believed that the prisoner was Count Vermandois. In his Supplement to the Age of Louis XIV (1753), Voltaire writes: "It was certainly not the Duke of Vermandois," without developing any counter-argument.
  85. Lauzun and Saint-Simon's wives were the Marshall of Lorges's daughters.
  86. Pagnol does not specify his source. It is most probably the biography of Louis XIV by Philippe Erlanger, published in 1960.
  87. Delort, Joseph (1825). L’Histoire de l’Homme au Masque de Fer.
  88. Topin, Marius (1870). L'Homme au masque de fer. Paris: Didier.
  89. Funck-Brentano, Frantz (1933). Le Masque de fer. Paris: Ernest Flammarion.
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